Stephen Kidd’s recent paper sets out very clearly the problems associated with the use to which social registries are commonly put: poverty targeting of social assistance, primarily through proxy means testing. I agree with many of his misgivings. But I have an even more fundamental concern about the concept of a “social registry”: what is it intended to be a registry of?
A registry is defined as “an authoritative
list of one kind of information” (Wikipedia); “an official or authoritative
book of records”(OED), “a collection of all the official records
relating to something” (Chambers). To be useful and truly “authoritative”, a
registry must be accurate and comprehensive, ideally exhaustive. So a land
registry is a record of the ownership of all plots of land; a driver and
vehicle licensing registry is a list of all licensed vehicles and of all those
holding a license to drive them; Lloyd’s register is (and has been since 1764!)
a list of all seagoing, self-propelled merchant ships of 100 gross tonnes or
greater; a domain name registry is a complete list of registrants of all allocated
Internet domains; and a civil registry (as discussed in Stephen’s paper) is a
comprehensive recording of all births, marriages and deaths in a country. If
such registries are incomplete or outdated or inaccurate, they cease to be
authoritative, so they are not registries.
On this basis, and in the context of social
protection, I can understand that a beneficiary registry is a list of all
beneficiaries of a social protection programme; by extension that an integrated
(or unified) beneficiary registry is a combined registry of beneficiaries of
multiple social protection programmes; and even – though perhaps this becomes a
bit more tenuous – that a single registry might be considered a consolidated
registry of all beneficiaries of all social protection programmes.
But what is a social registry? I am worried
that it a classic example of a Catch-22. The idea of a Catch-22 is that it
presents an irresolvable paradox created as a result of its own inherent
contradictions. The original Catch-22 comes from the eponymous novel by Joseph
Heller, written in 1961. The hero is a fighter pilot called Yossarian, whose
tent-mate, Orr, wants to stop flying combat missions. The only way to be
excused combat missions is to submit an application stating that you are insane.
However, if you submit such an application, it proves that you are not insane.
So, either way, you have to go on flying combat missions. A practical example
of Catch-22 occurs when you lock your keys in your car: you can’t open the car
door because you don’t have your keys, and you can’t get your keys because the
car door is locked. Another example would be the problem faced by young
development practitioners at the start of their career: that they can’t get an
overseas assignment without experience; and they can’t gain experience without
getting an overseas assignment. Yet another was Groucho Marx’s famous assertion:
“I refuse to join any club that would have me as a member”.
I have read multiple exhaustive manuals and
earnest proposals on the subject of social registries, written by luminaries in
the field (Leite, Veras, Barca, Chirchir, etc.), on behalf of important
organisations in the social protection sector (World Bank, DFID, DFAT, IPC-IG, GIZ,
etc.), for a range of stakeholders and governments around the world.
They all tell you at great length what a social
registry will and won’t do, what function it can and cannot serve, to what use
it may or may not be put. They tie themselves in knots trying to explain
whether a social registry is a database or an information system or a “targeting
mechanism” (Jaidi 2020, page 5) or an approach to data integration or “a
synecdoche to indicate the broader information system and all its component
parts” (Barca & Chirchir 2019, page 12), or even (phew!) “a ‘brand name’
that is defined by the function as an information system that collects,
organizes, stores, processes, transforms, creates and distributes information
for the predefined purpose of supporting outreach, intake and registration,
assessment of needs and conditions, and determination of potential eligibility
for social programs” (Leite et al 2017, page 8), by which I presume they
mean “it does poverty targeting”. These analyses range from the turgid to the conversant,
but most end up being tergiversant because they fail to answer clearly the very
simple question: a social registry is an “authoritative list” of what?
It is here we see the first glimpse of
Catch-22 sophistry. Leite et al postulate that “social registries
contain information on all registrants” (Leite et al 2017, page 6); and Barca’s
definition is that “It is a registry/database of all people and households
registered” (Barca 2017, page 12). You see the problem here? Each definition is
wonderfully circular, and ultimately totally unhelpful: what such definitions
are saying in essence is that “this list is an authoritative list of all the people
who are on this list”! Joseph Heller would have been proud!
Even if we persist, the Catch-22 remains. Probably
the best definition otherwise to emerge from the literature is that “Social
registries are databases of potential beneficiaries of social assistance”
(Barca 2017, page 11). The problem here is that surely everyone is a potential
beneficiary of social assistance? So, to have an authoritative list of all
potential beneficiaries of social assistance, we would need a national registry
of all individuals, not a social registry of only a subset of those individuals.
We cannot choose the subset for the social registry unless we have a national
registry in the first place. Ergo, we need a national registry in order
to have a social registry, so we don’t need a social registry!
I would therefore support Stephen’s
conclusion that we should do away altogether with the sophistry of social
registries and concentrate instead on strengthening and integrating the
national registries that already exist in many countries, for example in the
form of civil registries or national identity systems. If that means keeping
them uncomplicated, for reasons of cost, practicality and integrity, and if it encourages
a move towards social protection that is based on simple, intuitive life-course
indicators (age, employment, disability status, etc.) which can more easily be
kept accurate and up-to-date, then so much the better!
As Yossarian would no doubt have said (if
social registries had existed in 1961): social registries are an amazing tool:
they just don’t serve any useful purpose. And the purpose they don’t serve,
they serve incredibly badly!
References
Barca, V., Integrated data and
information management for social protection: Social registries and integrated
beneficiary registries, Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT),
Canberra, Australia, 2017.
Chirchir, R. and Barca, V., Building an
integrated and digital social protection information management system, GIZ
2019.
IPC-IG, Étude
de Faisabilité pour la Mise en Place d’un Registre Intégré pour la Protection
Sociale au Burundi, IPC-IG (forthcoming).
Jaidi, L., Le Registre social
unique : Enjeux et défis, Policy Centre for the New South (PCNS), 2020.
Leite, P. G., George, P., George, T. Sun,
C., Jones, T. and Lindert, K. A., Social registries for social assistance and
beyond: A guidance note & assessment tool, Social Protection and Labor
Discussion Paper 1704, World Bank, Washington, DC, 2017.
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